Here’s what happened, why it matters to public health, and where the receipts are.
Who Tom Wheeler is
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He wasn’t “industry adjacent.” He ran the wireless lobby. From 1992–2004 he was President/CEO of CTIA, the cell industry’s trade group. Before that, he led NCTA, the cable lobby. That’s the top of the food chain. Federal Communications Commission
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During the 1990s push for the Telecommunications Act of 1996, the industry credits Wheeler with uniting carriers behind the bill. That law’s Section 704 stripped local governments of the power to deny cell sites because of RF health concerns if FCC limits are met. That preemption is still on the books. Wireless History Foundation+1
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Right after the Act, Wheeler—still CTIA CEO—pressed the FCC to enforce that preemption. A 1997 exchange between Wheeler and the FCC’s Wireless Bureau is memorialized in local and federal records. The Bureau’s position: localities can’t base siting denials on RF “environmental effects” when facilities meet FCC limits. Marin County+1
The money and the appointment
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Wheeler was a major Obama bundler. In 2012 he’s listed at the $500,000-or-more tier; in 2008 watchdogs put him in the $200,000–$500,000 tier. Call it well over $700,000, often described as “nearly $1 million” across both cycles. That’s documented in OpenSecrets and contemporaneous coverage. OpenSecrets+1
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He then served on the Obama-Biden transition agency review for science/tech/space and, in 2013, Obama nominated him to chair the FCC. He served Nov 4, 2013 – Jan 20, 2017. The American Presidency Project+1
My position is simple: this is the donor-to-regulator pipeline. Legal? Yes. Healthy for public trust or public health? No.
Character matters: the Carlo episode
When Dr. George Carlo (head of the industry-funded Wireless Technology Research program) delivered findings the lobby didn’t want to hear, the relationship blew up. Reporting documents that Wheeler had security guards escort Carlo off CTIA premises. This is how dissenting science was handled. The Nation+1
Net neutrality showed the “independence” problem
During the 2014–2015 open-internet rulemaking, the FCC’s independence took heat for unusually close White House engagement while the docket was live. A Senate Homeland Security majority report called it “bowled over FCC independence” and laid out the timeline; House Oversight dug into meetings and thin ex parte filings. You can support Title II and still admit the process optics were wrong for an “independent” agency. House Oversight Committee+3Homeland Security Committee+3Homeland Security Committee+3
Wheeler’s 2016 stance: let tech lead, regulators follow
In 2016, Wheeler said the quiet part out loud: “Turning innovators loose is far preferable to expecting committees and regulators to define the future.” He also testified the FCC should “stay out of the way of technological development.” That’s not how you write health standards. Technology never gets to outrun safety. Cisco Blogs+2Engadget+2
The public-health bottom line
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Our RF exposure limits are from 1996. In 2019, the FCC reaffirmed those limits and closed its 2013 inquiry. In 2021, the D.C. Circuit held that decision was “arbitrary and capricious,” especially for failing to address non-cancer biological effects, and sent it back. That’s a federal court saying the watchdog didn’t do its job. Davis Wright Tremaine+3FCC Docs+3Federal Register+3
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The science the FCC must grapple with exists. The NTP found clear evidence of malignant heart schwannomas in male rats and some evidence for brain and adrenal tumors with cell-phone-type RFR. IARC has prioritized RF-EMF for fresh review in 2025–2029. You can debate interpretation, but you can’t pretend the signals aren’t there. National Toxicology Program+1
What I’m saying to the public
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An industry power broker helped build a legal framework that preempted local health objections, bundled high-six-figure money for the president, then ran the FCC. That’s the revolving door in one person. Wikipedia+3Legal Information Institute+3OpenSecrets+3
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During a landmark internet rule, the process blurred independence. On wireless health, the rules stayed in 1996, and when the agency tried to defend that in 2019, a federal court called the rationale inadequate. That’s not a regulator earning trust. Homeland Security Committee+1
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And in 2016, the chair’s own words made it clear: policy would trail technology. That’s exactly how you end up with outdated limits in a 5G/6G world and children living under standards written before smartphones. Cisco Blogs
What needs to happen now
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Re-open and update the RF limits with a full public record on non-thermal endpoints and chronic exposure. Follow the court’s remand in substance, not just form. Davis Wright Tremaine
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Firewall the revolving door: real cooling-off periods and conflicts rules for donors/lobby leaders moving into regulator seats. (The 2016 Senate report shows why.) Homeland Security Committee
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Fund independent research at scale (NTP-style), not industry-steered studies. National Toxicology Program
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Cut ambient exposure where people live and learn. Prefer wired/optical (Li-Fi/ethernet) indoors. “Innovation” is not a waiver for safety.
Notes on the money language (so nobody can nitpick the receipts)
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It’s accurate to say Wheeler raised well over $700,000 for Obama across 2008 and 2012, with 2012 at $500k+ and 2008 in the $200k–$500k range. If you use “nearly $1 million,” present it as common shorthand based on those disclosed ranges, not as an exact official total. OpenSecrets+1
This is about justice and health. The public deserves a regulator that does not come out of the industry’s boardroom, does not take its cues from the White House or corporate agendas during rulemakings, and does treat children’s biology as more important than a product roadmap. The facts above are enough to demand that change.