WIRELESS RADIATION HEALTH RISK! ⚠

Part 2 — Section 704, the First Amendment, and the Tenth Amendment: What’s Actually Unconstitutional, What Courts Allow, and How to Fight Smart

In Part 1 we built a Fifth Amendment (Takings Clause) theory. Here, we explain how Section 704 interacts with the First and Tenth Amendments—and exactly where advocates still have leverage.


1) The starting point: what Section 704 really does

Section 704, codified at 47 U.S.C. § 332(c)(7), preserves local zoning authority except it bars state or local decisions “on the basis of the environmental effects of radio‑frequency emissions” if a facility meets FCC exposure limits. It also requires written decisions supported by substantial evidence and provides expedited judicial review. Legal Information Institute+1

That one sentence—no health‑based siting denials if FCC‑compliant—drives almost all First‑ and Tenth‑Amendment fights. Legal Information Institute


2) The Tenth Amendment: “anti‑commandeering” vs. federal preemption

What cities argue: Section 704 “commandeers” local governments by telling them what reasons they can/cannot use in siting, violating state sovereignty.

What courts have said so far: Section 704 is valid federal preemption, not unconstitutional commandeering.

Why that result makes doctrinal sense:
The Supreme Court’s anti‑commandeering cases—New York v. United States (1992), Printz v. United States (1997), and Murphy v. NCAA (2018)—forbid Congress from ordering states to legislate or administer federal schemes. But preemption—a valid federal rule governing private activity that nullifies conflicting state rules—remains constitutional. Courts have treated Section 704 as the latter: a federal limit inside a field Congress can regulate under the Commerce Clause. Legal Information Institute+2Legal Information Institute+2

Bottom line (Tenth Amendment): Today’s case law treats Section 704 as permissible preemption, not commandeering. The federal government has not been found to violate the Tenth Amendment by telling localities they can’t base siting decisions on RF‑health once FCC limits are met. Justia Law

Watch this space: In City of Arlington v. FCC (2013), the Supreme Court deferred to FCC interpretations of § 332(c)(7) (Chevron deference). In 2024, the Court overruled Chevron in Loper Bright, directing courts to interpret statutes without automatic agency deference. That shift could affect how much of the FCC’s implementation of § 332(c)(7) survives, even though the statutory text of Section 704 remains. Expect fresh litigation over the scope of shot clocks, “effective prohibition,” and aesthetic limits. Justia Law+1


3) The First Amendment: speech, public meetings, and the “right to petition”

Common claim: “Section 704 is a gag rule—we aren’t allowed to talk about health, or courts won’t even hear us.”

What the courts have actually held:

Why that result tracks First Amendment doctrine:
Public‑meeting comments happen in a limited public forum. Government can impose subject‑matter rules tied to the forum’s purpose (e.g., “stick to land‑use criteria we’re legally allowed to consider”) so long as it does not discriminate by viewpoint. Cases like Perry Education Ass’n (1983) and Cornelius v. NAACP (1985) establish that subject‑matter limitations are allowed if they’re reasonable and viewpoint‑neutral—exactly the posture when a planning body says “we cannot consider health because Congress preempted that factor.” Legal Information Institute+1

Bottom line (First Amendment): You can speak and you can petition. Section 704 doesn’t criminalize or censor speech; it constrains official decision criteria. That’s why broad First Amendment attacks have failed in court. Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals


4) What local governments still can regulate (and how residents can win within those lanes)

Even with § 704’s health preemption, localities retain meaningful tools—if they use them correctly and build a record:

Advocacy tips that win (and don’t trigger preemption):


5) The arguments you will hear—and how to answer them


6) Strategy for communities and parents (a practical playbook)

  1. Adopt (or update) a defensible ordinance focusing on aesthetics, concealment, siting priorities, spacing, height, and design in historic/sensitive areas, with clear findings requirements—not health. Use photo standards and objective criteria where feasible; be prepared to justify reasonableness. Ninth Circuit Court

  2. Train boards on what they can consider (design, placement, ROW safety, visual burden, noise, traffic control plans, tree/streetscape impacts, code compliance) and what they cannot (RF‑health if FCC‑compliant). Provide a model denial template that tracks § 332(c)(7) and Roswell. Legal Information Institute

  3. Build the administrative record: require complete application packets (site alternatives, maps, photo sims, noise specs, power & back‑up plans, structural drawings), then make findings connected to adopted standards. This is how you win under the “substantial evidence” rule. Legal Information Institute

  4. Use fees lawfully (cost‑based, nondiscriminatory) and manage ROW construction with neutral dig and traffic rules. Don’t overreach with de facto moratoria. Ninth Circuit Court

  5. For residents: submit written comments that translate your concerns into lawful criteria (e.g., “The proposed height and shroud massing are inconsistent with § X.Y’s design standard and will create an incongruous streetscape; alternatives exist two blocks east that meet spacing rules”). Preserve health concerns in separate policy advocacy (legislative channels), but don’t make them the legal basis for a siting decision.


7) Where the doctrine may shift next


8) Key takeaways you can quote


9) Fast reference (authorities you’ll want to link)


Final word

Your First‑ and Tenth‑Amendment messaging should be honest and strategic: courts have not struck § 704 on those grounds, but they do leave room for smart local regulation and sharp records that win on aesthetics, design, and placement. Keep pushing Congress and agencies for reforms on RF health—but in the meantime, use the tools that work today to protect neighborhoods and schools.

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